Sunday, March 30, 2008
League of Women Voters Forum
The Oakland League of Women Voters is holding its regular candidates forum April 3 and April 4 from 6 to 9 p.m. at City Hall (1 Frank Ogawa Plaza, Oakland, CA 94612) Candidates for City Council and School Board Districts 3& 7 (our district) will be on Thursday. Assembly District 14; City Council District 5 & At-Large Candidates will be on Friday. If you are set up for streaming video on the Web, KTOP is also streaming the forum at http://www.oaklandnet.com/government/streaming-video/city-council-new.cfm.
Sean Sullivan Endorsed by OAKPAC for City Council District 3 Seat
Sean Sullivan, the development director of Covenant House, was endorsed by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce's political action committee. We asked them for a statement about why they chose Sullivan, but haven't heard back yet. We will post it as soon as we get it.
You can learn more about Sullivan by visiting his Web site at www.seansullivan.org or by attending an event at April 5th from 11:00 AM to 2:00 PM at Acts Full Gospel Church, 1034 66th Ave. Oakland, CA. His campaign, which appears to be extremely well organized, is also out pounding the pavement in our neighborhood this weekend.
If you talk to Sean please post in the comments and let us know what you think!!
Budget Crisis
The San Francisco Chronicle has a good story today looking at the highest paid city employees in the Bay Area. The story warns that generous employee benefit packages that cities agreed to in the boom could lead to a financial meltdown.
"While cities can afford generous employee compensation when tax revenue is pouring in, it causes fiscal problems in lean years like this one, said Tom Davidoff, a professor at UC Berkeley's Haas School of Business.
"If I'm the mayor and I want to make the world a better place and get re-elected, I'm inclined to spend a lot of money," he said. "When there's a lot of money to spend, that's great. But the problem is that the economy tends to be cyclical."
During the dot-com and housing booms, cities were flush with cash and spent lavishly, committing to salaries, raises, benefit packages, overtime structures and staffing levels that now appear unsustainable, he said.
"It's a predictable outcome," Davidoff said. "You can fire or lay off your way out of the problem, but that's a very painful and unpopular way to go."
Oakland claims it was facing a deficit of $10 million at the end of 2007. But there is reason to believe this is deliberately -- and dramatically -- understated. With property values plunging as much as 30 percent, the city will have to refund taxes to thousands of homeowners this year. These homeowners, most of whom bought in 2004, 2005, 2005 and 2006 are paying taxes on an assessed value that can be as much as $100,000 times greater than what they can actually sell their properties for. Since these folks pay way more than everyone else, this readjustment will lead to a healthier, more equitable city. It will also lead to a poorer city.
Some reasonable people calculate the budget shortfall in excess of $100 million. If true, that means Oakland is going to be firing lots of city workers.
"While cities can afford generous employee compensation when tax revenue is pouring in, it causes fiscal problems in lean years like this one, said Tom Davidoff, a professor at UC Berkeley's Haas School of Business.
"If I'm the mayor and I want to make the world a better place and get re-elected, I'm inclined to spend a lot of money," he said. "When there's a lot of money to spend, that's great. But the problem is that the economy tends to be cyclical."
During the dot-com and housing booms, cities were flush with cash and spent lavishly, committing to salaries, raises, benefit packages, overtime structures and staffing levels that now appear unsustainable, he said.
"It's a predictable outcome," Davidoff said. "You can fire or lay off your way out of the problem, but that's a very painful and unpopular way to go."
Oakland claims it was facing a deficit of $10 million at the end of 2007. But there is reason to believe this is deliberately -- and dramatically -- understated. With property values plunging as much as 30 percent, the city will have to refund taxes to thousands of homeowners this year. These homeowners, most of whom bought in 2004, 2005, 2005 and 2006 are paying taxes on an assessed value that can be as much as $100,000 times greater than what they can actually sell their properties for. Since these folks pay way more than everyone else, this readjustment will lead to a healthier, more equitable city. It will also lead to a poorer city.
Some reasonable people calculate the budget shortfall in excess of $100 million. If true, that means Oakland is going to be firing lots of city workers.
Friday, March 28, 2008
Clinton Killian Kickoff Fundraiser TODAY
Clinton Killian, one of five at-large candidates for city council is holding a
kickoff fundraiser today, Friday, March 28, 2008 from 5:00-7:00 pm in the
Ask Jeeves Building, Lobby at 555 12th Street, Oakland CA.
kickoff fundraiser today, Friday, March 28, 2008 from 5:00-7:00 pm in the
Ask Jeeves Building, Lobby at 555 12th Street, Oakland CA.
Greg Hodge Back in District 3 Race
(edited March 30, 2008)
Alameda County Superior Court Judge Frank Roesch ruled Friday that Greg Hodge can run for District 3. We've posted a bunch of different versions of this because it was a bit confusing what happened. The Oakland Trib has the best account of how Hodge waited until the very last day to turn in his signatures and then only turned in 49 that were valid.This is a joke. Fifty signatures is an unbelievably low barrier to entry.
Hodge originally got certified by assistant city clerk Marjo Keller. His signatures were challenged by two Nancy Nadel supporters, James Vann and Stuart Flashman. Nadel told the Trib she played no role in trying to keep Hodge off the ballot.
In the end, Hodge got back on the ballot because one of the signatures that was ruled invalid belonged to a neighbor of his whose residence has two addresses on it. (Similar to a duplex.) The neighbor used one address when he registered to vote and another when he signed Hodge's petition. At the court hearing it came up that Hodge could have fixed this problem before submitting his signatures, as well as taken other steps that would have kept him on the ballot and the city and taxpayers out of court.
Ultimately, Judge Roesch determined that those were "what ifs." He said he was basing his ruling on "what is."
"The question is if the 'what is' is good enough," Roesch said.
Alameda County Superior Court Judge Frank Roesch ruled Friday that Greg Hodge can run for District 3. We've posted a bunch of different versions of this because it was a bit confusing what happened. The Oakland Trib has the best account of how Hodge waited until the very last day to turn in his signatures and then only turned in 49 that were valid.This is a joke. Fifty signatures is an unbelievably low barrier to entry.
Hodge originally got certified by assistant city clerk Marjo Keller. His signatures were challenged by two Nancy Nadel supporters, James Vann and Stuart Flashman. Nadel told the Trib she played no role in trying to keep Hodge off the ballot.
In the end, Hodge got back on the ballot because one of the signatures that was ruled invalid belonged to a neighbor of his whose residence has two addresses on it. (Similar to a duplex.) The neighbor used one address when he registered to vote and another when he signed Hodge's petition. At the court hearing it came up that Hodge could have fixed this problem before submitting his signatures, as well as taken other steps that would have kept him on the ballot and the city and taxpayers out of court.
Ultimately, Judge Roesch determined that those were "what ifs." He said he was basing his ruling on "what is."
"The question is if the 'what is' is good enough," Roesch said.
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
County meeting about Crime in Oakland
(reposted from OPD Yahoo group)
If you are fed up with crime and are interested on how the different agencies in the County work to help combat Crime in Oakland.....Then YOU need to be at this meeting.
The Public Protection Committee, Chaired by Nate Miley, is hosting a special public meeting to hear and answer questions and concerns regarding the role each Agency (DA's Office, Sheriffs Dept., Probation, Parole, Judicial and others) plays in dealing with crime and the different steps that follow once OPD does their job.
April 7, 2008
10:30 AM
1221 Oak Street, 5th Floor
Board Chambers
We have been asking the WHY's.....Now we can get answers as well as let the County Agencies know (by being there in sheer numbers) that they need to play a bigger role in helping to reduce the crime in our City!
If you are fed up with crime and are interested on how the different agencies in the County work to help combat Crime in Oakland.....Then YOU need to be at this meeting.
The Public Protection Committee, Chaired by Nate Miley, is hosting a special public meeting to hear and answer questions and concerns regarding the role each Agency (DA's Office, Sheriffs Dept., Probation, Parole, Judicial and others) plays in dealing with crime and the different steps that follow once OPD does their job.
April 7, 2008
10:30 AM
1221 Oak Street, 5th Floor
Board Chambers
We have been asking the WHY's.....Now we can get answers as well as let the County Agencies know (by being there in sheer numbers) that they need to play a bigger role in helping to reduce the crime in our City!
Monday, March 24, 2008
At-Large Council Candidate Recap
In addition to Charles Pine, the anti-crime activisit from the group Oakland Residents for Peaceful Neighborhoods, it looks like there are five other candidates for the at-large city council seat, which is being vacated by Henry Chang, Jr.
They are:
Clinton Killian, an attorney who has served on the Oakland Planning Commission and the AC Transit Board. Killian also has worked with The Oakland Free Legal Clinic. From Killian's statement of purpose: "I am standing up for a better quality of life for our neighbors and children, ensuring that people are safe in their homes and businesses, that every neighborhood has basic services, that we develop new business in Oakland, and improve our schools and protect of all of our voices when it comes to the important decisions that affect our lives.I will work for change and a better Oakland. It is time to roll up our sleeves, work hard, try new ideas, tackle old problems, and grow Oakland into a beautiful and vibrant city."
Kerry Hamill, a member of the school board who was elected in 2000.
Rebecca Kaplan, a member of the AC Transit Board with experience in law and policy making. Her resume is on her Web site. This is her bio from the AC Transit Board: "Rebecca Kaplan serves as an at-large Director, and is a frequent bus rider living in the Temescal neighborhood of Oakland. Director Kaplan presently serves as Vice-President of the Board of Directors. She has worked on local public transit issues as a grassroots advocate through the Measure B process, and as Campaign Director at the Bay Area Transportation and Land Use Coalition. She has worked in both state and local government offices, and is involved with local organizations engaged in environmental and social justice issues. Director Kaplan holds a Bachelor of Science degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, a law degree from Stanford University, and a Master of Arts degree from the Department of Urban and Environmental Policy at Tufts University. Her legal experience has included labor, tenant, civil rights, and environmental cases." Rebecca's issues page says she is for economic opportunity, public safety and healthy neighborhoods. "Whether addressing the issue of air quality in West Oakland, opening parks and recreation opportunities for young people, preventing foreclosures, or sustaining and strengthening our neighborhood commercial district and farmers' markets, Rebecca Kaplan is committed to leading the implementation of practical solutions for a better community."
Frank Rose, a member of the Oakland Advisory Commission on Aging.
If anyone has links to Web pages for the other candidates, please post them in the comments so we can put them up.
They are:
Clinton Killian, an attorney who has served on the Oakland Planning Commission and the AC Transit Board. Killian also has worked with The Oakland Free Legal Clinic. From Killian's statement of purpose: "I am standing up for a better quality of life for our neighbors and children, ensuring that people are safe in their homes and businesses, that every neighborhood has basic services, that we develop new business in Oakland, and improve our schools and protect of all of our voices when it comes to the important decisions that affect our lives.I will work for change and a better Oakland. It is time to roll up our sleeves, work hard, try new ideas, tackle old problems, and grow Oakland into a beautiful and vibrant city."
Kerry Hamill, a member of the school board who was elected in 2000.
Rebecca Kaplan, a member of the AC Transit Board with experience in law and policy making. Her resume is on her Web site. This is her bio from the AC Transit Board: "Rebecca Kaplan serves as an at-large Director, and is a frequent bus rider living in the Temescal neighborhood of Oakland. Director Kaplan presently serves as Vice-President of the Board of Directors. She has worked on local public transit issues as a grassroots advocate through the Measure B process, and as Campaign Director at the Bay Area Transportation and Land Use Coalition. She has worked in both state and local government offices, and is involved with local organizations engaged in environmental and social justice issues. Director Kaplan holds a Bachelor of Science degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, a law degree from Stanford University, and a Master of Arts degree from the Department of Urban and Environmental Policy at Tufts University. Her legal experience has included labor, tenant, civil rights, and environmental cases." Rebecca's issues page says she is for economic opportunity, public safety and healthy neighborhoods. "Whether addressing the issue of air quality in West Oakland, opening parks and recreation opportunities for young people, preventing foreclosures, or sustaining and strengthening our neighborhood commercial district and farmers' markets, Rebecca Kaplan is committed to leading the implementation of practical solutions for a better community."
Frank Rose, a member of the Oakland Advisory Commission on Aging.
If anyone has links to Web pages for the other candidates, please post them in the comments so we can put them up.
Sunday, March 23, 2008
Speaking of local blogs...
There are a bunch of Oakland bloggers who are writing their hearts out as the mainstream media continues its accelerated collapse. For nitty gritty political coverage, including detailed discussion of land use and zoning, there is www.abetteroakland.com, Oakland's most popular blog according to a recent column by Chip Johnson of the San Francisco Chronicle. For downtown politics and culture, there is thedto.wordpress.com and www.dogtowncommons.com. For general politics and city living there is www.novometro.com. For gardening there is yourcityfarmer.blogspot.com, which has wonderful links to other writers engaging in guerilla gardening, an effort to reclaim neglected urban spaces! The Grand Lake Guardian, at www.grandlakeguardian.org, features writing by civic activists who are focused on the Lake Shore Drive merchant district. The Town, at thetown.wordpress.com, features some excellent posts by journalism students. Oakland Goods, at www.oaklandgoods.com promotes local artists, businesses and stuff to do. There is a new elections blog at cityofoakland.blogspot.com and a crime wrap up at oaklandcrimesurge.blogspot.com.
Safety First Oakland, at www.safetyfirstoakland.com is the best central source for information on police and crime. Oakland Residents for Peaceful Neighborhoods, at www.orpn.org, run by City Council At-Large Candidate Charlie Pine, has for years made a forceful case for the need to hire an additional seven hundred police officers. East Bay Conservative, at www.eastbayconservative.com, has intelligent posts that skewer some of the most misguided liberal policies.
All of these blogs have excellent material and are worth checking in with. ABetterOakland probably does the best job of maintaining the most comprehensive link list if you are looking to further explore the Oakland writing community. The Oakland blogging scene has really begun to take off in the past year, and it is sure to continue to get richer as time goes by.
Safety First Oakland, at www.safetyfirstoakland.com is the best central source for information on police and crime. Oakland Residents for Peaceful Neighborhoods, at www.orpn.org, run by City Council At-Large Candidate Charlie Pine, has for years made a forceful case for the need to hire an additional seven hundred police officers. East Bay Conservative, at www.eastbayconservative.com, has intelligent posts that skewer some of the most misguided liberal policies.
All of these blogs have excellent material and are worth checking in with. ABetterOakland probably does the best job of maintaining the most comprehensive link list if you are looking to further explore the Oakland writing community. The Oakland blogging scene has really begun to take off in the past year, and it is sure to continue to get richer as time goes by.
Lost Puppy
One of the neighbors found this poor pup wandering near the creek by Richmond Boulevard on March 2. They started a blog about her in the vain attempt to find her a home/locate her owners. We wish we had posted about this before she was taken to the Humane Society. Here's her photo, just in case.
Greg Hodge out of District 3 Race
Greg Hodge, the school board member who was threw his name in the council race for our district, is out. Turns out he only collected 49 signatures and he needed 50. (This post was edited for accuracy on March 28, 2008)
Petition Against Violence in Tibet
This isn't community news, exactly, but some things, like Senator Obama's speech on race, are too important not to share.
A Tibetan man called a friend named John who is part of the climbing community on satellite phone last week. The man said the Chinese were going door to door and they were almost at his house. "You probably won't hear from me again," he said. "I called to say goodbye."
I just got a link to this petition to support the Dalai Lama from a friend in Adam's Point. The Dalai Lama is calling for restraint and dialogue. Please share it widely.
A Tibetan man called a friend named John who is part of the climbing community on satellite phone last week. The man said the Chinese were going door to door and they were almost at his house. "You probably won't hear from me again," he said. "I called to say goodbye."
I just got a link to this petition to support the Dalai Lama from a friend in Adam's Point. The Dalai Lama is calling for restraint and dialogue. Please share it widely.
Happy Easter
There was an Easter celebration at the First Mongolian Christian Church on Fairmount Avenue on Sunday afternoon. First Christian is a wonderful church with strong ties to our community. They hosted the Darries Project's Easter Egg hunt on Saturday. (It turns out we posted the wrong date when we wrote about the upcoming event. We are very sorry about that!!) We have a video of the Easter Egg hunt and will be posting it as soon as we can get our equipment working.
Saturday, March 22, 2008
Marijuana Emergency in Oakland
Lots of things are going wrong in Oakland. The latest report from the state's Economic Development Department shows the East Bay losing jobs. Packs of kids in new hyphy sweatshirts are hunting down people in downtown Oakland, robbing them and bragging about their exploits on MySpace pages. Diesel fumes are poisoning residents of West Oakland.
So what is on the city council agenda for the next meeting on April 1? They are going to vote to renew a previous declaration of a PUBLIC HEALTH EMERGENCY "with respect to safe, affordable access to medical cannabis in the city of Oakland."
This vote is recommended by the City Administrator Deborah Edgerly -- the same administrator who approved more than a million dollars in extra perks to a select group of city employees, according to a recent audit of the payroll system. The audit also showed that Edgerly had allowed city employees to sell back their sick leave and vacation leave in violation of city policy. Instead of taking vacation and other permitted leaves of absence, employees got a cash -- more than $3 million. Bonuses and other awards were handed out to the tune of almost $400,000. For a select group, there were salaries advances -- interest-free loans -- and auto allowances. In total 134 employees got salary advances worth more than $560,000 and 238 employees got cars subsidized by almost $700,000.
To put in perspective what kind of public services this money could have been used for: Altogether, the perks, loans and leave buybacks would have funded at least 35 new police officers.
You'd think safe streets and honest government would be a top priority for the council. But access to cheap pot apparently trumps those traditional civic preoccupations. This vote has been an annual duty of council members for at least the past several years. No wonder Oakland is in so much trouble.
It's true a lot of people use marijuana at every level of society and government. It's also true that very few of those people use it because they "are suffering from life-threatening or serious illnesses whose painful symptoms are alleviated by injestion of cannabis," as the resolution before the council states.
And it is extremely difficult to believe that "thousands of seriously ill persons" who obtain pot from medical marijuana dispensaries will endure great pain and suffering and in some cases may die as a result of the closure of ... the medical cannabis dispensaries" as the resolution states.
Folks who live downtown will tell you the medical marijuana dispensary there is a source of constant criminal nuisance.
There is nothing wrong with fighting to legalize marijuana. It's California's number one cash crop and would bring in a lot of tax dollars. Indeed, as many Americans appear to be illegally smoking pot in 2008 as people illegally drank alcohol during prohibition.
But this kind dishonest representation of the issue by the City Administrator and the City Council is a joke. Allowing dispensaries in poor neighborhoods that are already terrorized by thugs is reprehensible
This measure is expected to pass unanimously, including with support from Nancy Nadel, who is up for re-election in District 3, where HarriOak is located and where there are real emergencies -- uncontrolled crime in downtown Oakand, life-threatening speeding on residential streets and widespread tolerance of buildings operated by slumlords in violation of dozens of city codes. Unfortunately for her constituents, those aren't problems Nadel has been inclined to address.
So what is on the city council agenda for the next meeting on April 1? They are going to vote to renew a previous declaration of a PUBLIC HEALTH EMERGENCY "with respect to safe, affordable access to medical cannabis in the city of Oakland."
This vote is recommended by the City Administrator Deborah Edgerly -- the same administrator who approved more than a million dollars in extra perks to a select group of city employees, according to a recent audit of the payroll system. The audit also showed that Edgerly had allowed city employees to sell back their sick leave and vacation leave in violation of city policy. Instead of taking vacation and other permitted leaves of absence, employees got a cash -- more than $3 million. Bonuses and other awards were handed out to the tune of almost $400,000. For a select group, there were salaries advances -- interest-free loans -- and auto allowances. In total 134 employees got salary advances worth more than $560,000 and 238 employees got cars subsidized by almost $700,000.
To put in perspective what kind of public services this money could have been used for: Altogether, the perks, loans and leave buybacks would have funded at least 35 new police officers.
You'd think safe streets and honest government would be a top priority for the council. But access to cheap pot apparently trumps those traditional civic preoccupations. This vote has been an annual duty of council members for at least the past several years. No wonder Oakland is in so much trouble.
It's true a lot of people use marijuana at every level of society and government. It's also true that very few of those people use it because they "are suffering from life-threatening or serious illnesses whose painful symptoms are alleviated by injestion of cannabis," as the resolution before the council states.
And it is extremely difficult to believe that "thousands of seriously ill persons" who obtain pot from medical marijuana dispensaries will endure great pain and suffering and in some cases may die as a result of the closure of ... the medical cannabis dispensaries" as the resolution states.
Folks who live downtown will tell you the medical marijuana dispensary there is a source of constant criminal nuisance.
There is nothing wrong with fighting to legalize marijuana. It's California's number one cash crop and would bring in a lot of tax dollars. Indeed, as many Americans appear to be illegally smoking pot in 2008 as people illegally drank alcohol during prohibition.
But this kind dishonest representation of the issue by the City Administrator and the City Council is a joke. Allowing dispensaries in poor neighborhoods that are already terrorized by thugs is reprehensible
This measure is expected to pass unanimously, including with support from Nancy Nadel, who is up for re-election in District 3, where HarriOak is located and where there are real emergencies -- uncontrolled crime in downtown Oakand, life-threatening speeding on residential streets and widespread tolerance of buildings operated by slumlords in violation of dozens of city codes. Unfortunately for her constituents, those aren't problems Nadel has been inclined to address.
Wednesday, March 19, 2008
Support for Women Entrepreneurs: Deadline April 6
Here's some info about a competition Yahoo is holding for women entrepreneurs:
Yahoo! Small Business and entrepreneur/television personality Carolyn Kepcher today announced a new grant program to promote women's entrepreneurship enabled by the Internet. The new program, called "Seeds for Success: Empowering Women Entrepreneurs," will award three women entrepreneurs with business grants including cash, mentorship, and technical services valued at more than $25,000 each. Kepcher, best known for her appearances as an advisor to Donald Trump on the NBC television show "The Apprentice" in her capacity as executive vice president of Trump Co., will help select grant winners and connect them with mentors from a team of business leaders. In addition to the grant award, Yahoo! and its partners will provide recipients an array of web design and marketing services.
Women entrepreneurs may apply for the grant program by submitting applications online at http://seedsforsuccess.smallbusiness.yahoo.com or by going to Yahoo.com and searching for "Seeds for Success." The program is open to women who plan to launch new businesses, or who wish to grow existing businesses, and who intend to use the Internet to help them achieve their goals. The deadline for entry is April 6, with the three grant winners to be named in late April. The new grant program follows the recent launch of Yahoo!'s new web hosting service. Yahoo! Web Hosting, the industry's first unlimited hosting service, eliminates worries about bandwidth and storage limits, freeing customers to focus on driving real value to their businesses.
The three grant recipients also will be eligible to win an additional bonus grant of $10,000, to be awarded in October to the one business that achieves the most growth resulting from the use of the initial grant and mentorship package.
"Yahoo! is committed to helping remove obstacles to small business success. As with our new unlimited Web hosting service, we believe there should be no limit to women's opportunities to create business success online," said Susan Vobejda, vice president, marketing, Yahoo! Small Business. "The 'Seeds for Success' grant program will help shine a spotlight on the powerful combination of inspiring women, breakthrough business ideas, and the unlimited reach of the Internet, provided by Yahoo! Small Business."
Yahoo! Small Business and entrepreneur/television personality Carolyn Kepcher today announced a new grant program to promote women's entrepreneurship enabled by the Internet. The new program, called "Seeds for Success: Empowering Women Entrepreneurs," will award three women entrepreneurs with business grants including cash, mentorship, and technical services valued at more than $25,000 each. Kepcher, best known for her appearances as an advisor to Donald Trump on the NBC television show "The Apprentice" in her capacity as executive vice president of Trump Co., will help select grant winners and connect them with mentors from a team of business leaders. In addition to the grant award, Yahoo! and its partners will provide recipients an array of web design and marketing services.
Women entrepreneurs may apply for the grant program by submitting applications online at http://seedsforsuccess.smallbusiness.yahoo.com or by going to Yahoo.com and searching for "Seeds for Success." The program is open to women who plan to launch new businesses, or who wish to grow existing businesses, and who intend to use the Internet to help them achieve their goals. The deadline for entry is April 6, with the three grant winners to be named in late April. The new grant program follows the recent launch of Yahoo!'s new web hosting service. Yahoo! Web Hosting, the industry's first unlimited hosting service, eliminates worries about bandwidth and storage limits, freeing customers to focus on driving real value to their businesses.
The three grant recipients also will be eligible to win an additional bonus grant of $10,000, to be awarded in October to the one business that achieves the most growth resulting from the use of the initial grant and mentorship package.
"Yahoo! is committed to helping remove obstacles to small business success. As with our new unlimited Web hosting service, we believe there should be no limit to women's opportunities to create business success online," said Susan Vobejda, vice president, marketing, Yahoo! Small Business. "The 'Seeds for Success' grant program will help shine a spotlight on the powerful combination of inspiring women, breakthrough business ideas, and the unlimited reach of the Internet, provided by Yahoo! Small Business."
Election Update
Africa Williams didn't qualify. So our candidates are Nancy Nadel, our current councilwoman, Greg Hodge a member of the school board,and Sean Sullivan, the development director of Covenant House. Charlie Pine is also running on a fierce hire-more-police officers platform for the at-large seat. You can learn more about Pine at www.pineforoakland.org. The HarriOak News is working to organize a forum for folks to meet the candidates. In the meantime, there is info about a house party being organized for Nancy Nadel on the HarriOak Yahoo group. (Search for Harri-Oak or HarriOak at groups.yahoo.com for more info. If you are not a member, you can request to join and a moderator will get back to you.)
Senator Barak Obama and Downtown Oakland
I wasn't going to vote for Obama but this speech changed my mind. At
one part, Obama makes remarks that are tailor-made for HarriOak:
"And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods -
parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage
pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of
violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us."
I love what this man is standing for, and I can't wait to help elect
him in November.
REMARKS OF SENATOR BARACK OBAMA: `A MORE PERFECT UNION'
For video: http://www.moveon.org/r?r=3511&id=12333-632329-DNg66J&t=546
Philadelphia, PA | March 18, 2008
As Prepared for Delivery
"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."
Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands
across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple
words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers
and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean
to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration
of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the
spring of 1787.
The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately
unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a
question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a
stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to
continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final
resolution to future generations.
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded
within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at its very core the
ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised
its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should
be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves
from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their
full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What
would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were
willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the
streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience
and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of
our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this
campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a
march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more
prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment
in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the
challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we
perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories,
but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not
have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same
direction - towards a better future for our children and our
grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and
generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own
American story.
I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas.
I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a
Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white
grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth
while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in
America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married
to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and
slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters.
I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of
every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for
as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on
Earth is my story even possible.
It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But
it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that
this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we
are truly one.
Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to
the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this
message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through
a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some
of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where
the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of
African Americans and white Americans.
This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At
various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me
either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions
bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina
primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence
of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but
black and brown as well.
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the
discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive
turn. On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that
my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's
based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial
reconciliation on the cheap.
On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah
Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the
potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that
denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that
rightly offend white and black alike.
I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of
Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging
questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic
of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear
him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in
church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views?
Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your
pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.
But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply
controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to
speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a
profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white
racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above
all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts
in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart
allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful
ideologies of radical Islam.
As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive,
divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when
we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two
wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care
crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are
neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that
confront us all.
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals,
there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation
are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first
place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that
if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those
sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You
Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the
caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that
I would react in much the same way.
But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met
more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my
Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love
one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man
who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured
at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and
who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by
doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering
to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison
ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.
In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of
my first service at Trinity:
"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out,
a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the
rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else;
at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the
city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the
stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the
lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival,
and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had
spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church,
on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a
people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and
triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than
black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a
means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame
about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with
which we could start to rebuild."
That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black
churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in
its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and
the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services
are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full
of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to
the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and
cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the
struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias
that make up the black experience in America.
And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright.
As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He
strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my
children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk
about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom
he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains
within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the
community that he has served diligently for so many years.
I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can
no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who
helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a
woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a
woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on
the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or
ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.
These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this
country that I love.
Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that
are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the
politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just
hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright
as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine
Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some
deep-seated racial bias.
But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to
ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend
Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and
stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.
The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that
have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race
in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our
union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we
simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to
come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or
the need to find good jobs for every American.
Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at
this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and
buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here
the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to
remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the
African-American community today can be directly traced to
inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under
the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.
Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't
fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the
inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the
pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.
Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through
violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to
African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access
FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police
force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass
any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history
helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and
the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of
today's urban and rural communities.
A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and
frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family,
contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare
policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic
services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play
in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code
enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and
neglect that continue to haunt us.
This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other
African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the
late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the
law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's
remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but
rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to
make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.
But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of
the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who
were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination.
That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those
young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street
corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for
the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race,
and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways.
For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of
humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger
and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in
public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does
find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times,
that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial
lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.
And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in
the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised
to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds
us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life
occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed,
all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it
keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and
prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it
needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is
powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without
understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of
misunderstanding that exists between the races.
In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white
community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel
that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their
experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned,
no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've
worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped
overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are
anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in
an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to
be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense.
So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town;
when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in
landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice
that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their
fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced,
resentment builds over time.
Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't
always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the
political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and
affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians
routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk
show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers
unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate
discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political
correctness or reverse racism.
Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these
white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the
middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing,
questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington
dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that
favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of
white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without
recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens
the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.
This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been
stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics,
black and white, I have never been so naive as to believe that we can
get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a
single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.
But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my
faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working
together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in
fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more
perfect union.
For the African-American community, that path means embracing the
burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means
continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of
American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances -
for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the
larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to
break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the
immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full
responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and
spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and
teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination
in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism;
they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.
Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative -
notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's
sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is
that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that
society can change.
The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke
about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was
static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a
country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run
for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and
black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still
irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have
seen - is that America can change. That is the true genius of this
nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to
hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means
acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not
just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of
discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less
overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with
words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our
communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness
in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with
ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations.
It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to
come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health,
welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will
ultimately help all of America prosper.
In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing
less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do
unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's
keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find
that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics
reflect that spirit as well.
For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that
breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only
as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy,
as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly
news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every
day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only
question in this campaign whether or not the American people think
that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We
can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's
playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will
all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his
policies.
We can do that.
But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be
talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then
another one. And nothing will change.
That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come
together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the
crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and
white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native
American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells
us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us
are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those
kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a
21st century economy. Not this time.
This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room
are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health
care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special
interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.
This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided
a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale
that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region,
every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the
real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take
your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas
for nothing more than a profit.
This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and
creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under
the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from
a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been
waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by
caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they
have earned.
I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my
heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this
country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after
generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today,
whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this
possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the
young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have
already made history in this election.
There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with
today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr.
King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.
There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia
who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had
been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the
beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable
discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they
were there.
And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got
cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and
lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when
Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so
Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really
wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish
sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.
She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told
everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was
so that she could help the millions of other children in the country
who want and need to help their parents too.
Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told
her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks
who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming
into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in
her fight against injustice.
Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and
asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have
different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And
finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there
quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he
does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the
economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he
was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the
room, "I am here because of Ashley."
"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of
recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is
not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs
to the jobless, or education to our children.
But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as
so many generations have come to realize over the course of the
two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that
document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.
one part, Obama makes remarks that are tailor-made for HarriOak:
"And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods -
parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage
pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of
violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us."
I love what this man is standing for, and I can't wait to help elect
him in November.
REMARKS OF SENATOR BARACK OBAMA: `A MORE PERFECT UNION'
For video: http://www.moveon.org/r?r=3511&id=12333-632329-DNg66J&t=546
Philadelphia, PA | March 18, 2008
As Prepared for Delivery
"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."
Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands
across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple
words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers
and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean
to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration
of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the
spring of 1787.
The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately
unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a
question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a
stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to
continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final
resolution to future generations.
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded
within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at its very core the
ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised
its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should
be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves
from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their
full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What
would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were
willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the
streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience
and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of
our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this
campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a
march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more
prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment
in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the
challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we
perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories,
but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not
have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same
direction - towards a better future for our children and our
grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and
generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own
American story.
I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas.
I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a
Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white
grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth
while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in
America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married
to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and
slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters.
I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of
every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for
as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on
Earth is my story even possible.
It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But
it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that
this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we
are truly one.
Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to
the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this
message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through
a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some
of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where
the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of
African Americans and white Americans.
This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At
various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me
either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions
bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina
primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence
of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but
black and brown as well.
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the
discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive
turn. On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that
my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's
based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial
reconciliation on the cheap.
On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah
Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the
potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that
denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that
rightly offend white and black alike.
I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of
Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging
questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic
of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear
him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in
church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views?
Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your
pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.
But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply
controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to
speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a
profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white
racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above
all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts
in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart
allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful
ideologies of radical Islam.
As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive,
divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when
we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two
wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care
crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are
neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that
confront us all.
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals,
there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation
are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first
place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that
if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those
sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You
Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the
caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that
I would react in much the same way.
But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met
more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my
Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love
one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man
who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured
at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and
who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by
doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering
to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison
ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.
In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of
my first service at Trinity:
"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out,
a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the
rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else;
at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the
city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the
stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the
lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival,
and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had
spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church,
on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a
people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and
triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than
black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a
means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame
about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with
which we could start to rebuild."
That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black
churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in
its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and
the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services
are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full
of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to
the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and
cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the
struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias
that make up the black experience in America.
And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright.
As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He
strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my
children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk
about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom
he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains
within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the
community that he has served diligently for so many years.
I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can
no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who
helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a
woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a
woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on
the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or
ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.
These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this
country that I love.
Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that
are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the
politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just
hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright
as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine
Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some
deep-seated racial bias.
But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to
ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend
Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and
stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.
The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that
have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race
in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our
union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we
simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to
come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or
the need to find good jobs for every American.
Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at
this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and
buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here
the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to
remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the
African-American community today can be directly traced to
inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under
the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.
Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't
fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the
inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the
pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.
Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through
violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to
African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access
FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police
force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass
any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history
helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and
the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of
today's urban and rural communities.
A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and
frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family,
contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare
policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic
services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play
in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code
enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and
neglect that continue to haunt us.
This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other
African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the
late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the
law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's
remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but
rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to
make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.
But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of
the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who
were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination.
That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those
young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street
corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for
the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race,
and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways.
For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of
humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger
and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in
public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does
find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times,
that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial
lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.
And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in
the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised
to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds
us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life
occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed,
all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it
keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and
prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it
needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is
powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without
understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of
misunderstanding that exists between the races.
In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white
community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel
that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their
experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned,
no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've
worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped
overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are
anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in
an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to
be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense.
So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town;
when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in
landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice
that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their
fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced,
resentment builds over time.
Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't
always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the
political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and
affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians
routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk
show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers
unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate
discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political
correctness or reverse racism.
Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these
white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the
middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing,
questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington
dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that
favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of
white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without
recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens
the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.
This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been
stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics,
black and white, I have never been so naive as to believe that we can
get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a
single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.
But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my
faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working
together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in
fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more
perfect union.
For the African-American community, that path means embracing the
burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means
continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of
American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances -
for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the
larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to
break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the
immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full
responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and
spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and
teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination
in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism;
they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.
Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative -
notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's
sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is
that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that
society can change.
The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke
about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was
static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a
country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run
for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and
black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still
irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have
seen - is that America can change. That is the true genius of this
nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to
hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means
acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not
just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of
discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less
overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with
words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our
communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness
in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with
ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations.
It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to
come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health,
welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will
ultimately help all of America prosper.
In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing
less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do
unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's
keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find
that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics
reflect that spirit as well.
For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that
breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only
as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy,
as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly
news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every
day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only
question in this campaign whether or not the American people think
that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We
can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's
playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will
all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his
policies.
We can do that.
But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be
talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then
another one. And nothing will change.
That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come
together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the
crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and
white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native
American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells
us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us
are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those
kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a
21st century economy. Not this time.
This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room
are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health
care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special
interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.
This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided
a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale
that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region,
every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the
real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take
your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas
for nothing more than a profit.
This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and
creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under
the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from
a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been
waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by
caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they
have earned.
I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my
heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this
country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after
generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today,
whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this
possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the
young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have
already made history in this election.
There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with
today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr.
King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.
There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia
who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had
been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the
beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable
discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they
were there.
And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got
cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and
lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when
Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so
Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really
wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish
sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.
She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told
everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was
so that she could help the millions of other children in the country
who want and need to help their parents too.
Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told
her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks
who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming
into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in
her fight against injustice.
Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and
asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have
different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And
finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there
quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he
does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the
economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he
was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the
room, "I am here because of Ashley."
"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of
recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is
not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs
to the jobless, or education to our children.
But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as
so many generations have come to realize over the course of the
two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that
document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.
Friday, March 14, 2008
Easter Egg Hunt Sunday March 23 from 2 to 4 p.m.
The First Christian Church at 111 Fairmount Avenue and the Darries Project are hosting a neighborhood Easter Egg hunt at the church from 2 p.m. to 4 p.m. If you'd like to have your child participate, please call Belinda Gilchrist-Day at 510-663-1231. Belinda is also collecting donations of Easter baskets to give to children, or money so that the Darries Project can put the baskets together. She has already received donations for 50 baskets (thanks everyone!!) and would like to have 100 baskets, if possible. If you'd like to support this event call Belinda or drop off your donation at 339 Oakland Avenue.
Thursday, March 13, 2008
City Council Election June 3, 2008: Our Candidates
There will be four candidates running for city council in our district, which is District 3. They are Nancy Nadel, our current councilwoman, Greg Hodge a member of the school board, and Sean Sullivan, the development director of Covenant House.
So far Sean Sullivan and Nancy Nadel are the only candidates with findable Web pages. (Note to candidates, please post your links!)
Sullivan has a brief write up in NovoMetro. Sullivan describes himself as a "a lifelong advocate for youth and those who have faced discrimination." He has a great do-gooder background, as do the other candidates.
We also believe in standing up for the poor and disenfranchised, but in order to do that, we need a representative who is willing to act on practical, community-focused issues as well. This has been a big problem with Nadel, who among other things, was resistant to moving a recent homeless encampment from a community near Home Depot that has been struggling mightily to turn itself around. (Nadel did, however, provide the Westlake Middle School with money for a much needed traffic light.)
The HarriOak News would like to know how candidates stand on the following:
1) Crime. The Mayor has finally begun working on this with his plan to hire more officers. The council needs to make sure there is follow through. We need a working fingerprint lab immediately.
2) Dumping in the flatlands. Transitional housing gets dumped in the flatlands, including District 3, because officials waive regulations that prevent it. Anyone who wants to represent our district needs to promise they will make sure that drug rehab, homeless shelters and transitional housing for felons are spread equally throughout Oakland and not heavily concentrated in areas that have lacked a political voice.
3) Slumlords. A tiny number of the buildings in Oakland account for a huge percentage of crime, housing both victims and perpetrators. These building includes subsidized housing and slum housing. (To see how this works in HarriOak, check out the HarriOak Crime Blog or the Harpo email group, which has records for calls for service from slum properties like 401 and 407 Fairmount. The records will make your hair stand on end.)
3) Lack of entry-level home ownership opportunities. In the past, the city has tried to solve this by granting huge subsidies to a handful of people. We suspect the people who benefited the most were the ones connected to the city's disgusting patronage machine. It was an unfair and completely ineffective system that made a lot of people extremely angry. It ensured that 60 percent of Oakland residents remained tenants. This is desperately out of whack with the rest of the Bay Area and needs to be fixed. One step is to lift the moratorium on converting condos in places like Adams Point and HarriOak, where existing apartment complexes are frequently substandard.
4) Traffic. Lack of enforcement of speeding rules on heavily trafficked byways like Harrison Street and Oakland Avenue has made living and driving through our neighborhoods unnecessarily hazardous. There are lots of solutions that have been implemented in other cities, including automated license-plate readers. Installing these should be a priority for any council member who wants to represent the district.
5) The hidden budget crisis. Candidates need to address the fact that the contracts the city has signed with its employees guaranteeing retirement and other benefits will bankrupt Oakland in the near future. What's our plan?
The HarriOak News will be working with some other neighborhood groups to hold a candidate forum. In the meantime, Sean Sullivan, who attended a recent Adams Point Action Council meeting is having a campaign kickoff March 15, 2008 at 12:00 PM 815 Broadway.
Wednesday, March 12, 2008
NCPC Meeting March 13
The neighborhood council (formerly known as the Neighborhood Crime Prevention Council) for Beat 8x, has been rescheduled for 7 p.m. on Thursday March 13. We'll be meeting in a private home at
3458 Richmond Blvd. Please call Shawn at 510.697.2148 if you need more info.
3458 Richmond Blvd. Please call Shawn at 510.697.2148 if you need more info.
Thursday, March 6, 2008
HARPO's Crime Blog has new postings
HARPO, the neighborhood group that's dedicated to improving safety and quality of life around HarriOak, has finally gotten its crime blog up and running. This was a major undertaking because the info is so hard to get from the police department. Posts include details about a robbery on Garland, a bullet through a window on Oakland Avene and a stabbing on Fairmount. The blog is restricted to members of HARPO (which stands for HarriOak Alliance of Residents and Property Owners) but anyone who lives in the area or owns property in the area is welcome to join. Just send an e-mail with your name, contact info, and details about your relationship to the neighborhood to harrioak at yahoo dot com. This is a volunteer group, so it may take a while for someone to get back to you. Please be patient. Also, please provide full details about who you are. Your info will not be shared. You can also join the harpo yahoo group.
NCPC (Neighborhood Crime) Meeting Cancelled
The NCPC meeting for tonight was canceled and is being rescheduled for next week.
The coordinators apologize for the late notice, apparently there was trouble getting a room.
The coordinators apologize for the late notice, apparently there was trouble getting a room.
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